The government must focus on urgent issues

Friday, Nov. 1 2024, 08:00 Last update: Fri, Nov 1 2024, 08:00

One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs an urgent solution is the prices of everyday products. FILE PHOTO: STAR

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One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs an urgent solution is the prices of everyday products. FILE PHOTO: STAR

It has been almost three months since the caretaker government took office. During this period, he took several notable steps, including forming various commissions to begin the process of reforming key sectors and suspending the energy sector compensation law – steps that were largely seen as positive. However, there are many other tasks that you should prioritize. It is surprising that to date there is no official list of those killed and injured in the July riot. The student-led protests turned into a wider popular movement, joined by citizens from all walks of life. The participation of the working class was particularly significant. Many of the victims are in the workforce. Many of the injured are now struggling to continue their medical treatment. They expected support from the state. More prompt action should have been taken in this regard.

There seems to be a tendency to overlook the essential role of the workers during the uprising because their demands have not received the attention they deserve. For example, after Agree on 18 points among employers, garment workers and the government, it was clearly stipulated that all outstanding wages would be compensated. But many factories failed to fulfill this commitment; some factories even closed without warning. When workers voice their concerns and demand their dues, they are often met with violent responses such as shootings, resulting in casualties. A 25-year-old RMG workerwho joined the ongoing protest to demand payment of pending salaries for several months, was shot recently and died of her injuries later. Even yesterday two garment workers were shot dead during a violent standoff with law enforcement in Dhaka’s Mirpur area. It is disheartening to see that while any student-led mobilization receives a degree of sympathy from the government, workers are met with force when they demand their rights. It is hoped that the government will take appropriate steps to address these concerns.

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Meanwhile, political complexities seem to have diverted the current administration’s attention elsewhere. One such issue involves recent statements made by the president. A clear response to his remarks could have been the publication of Sheikh Hasina’s resignation letter. If this is not feasible, then a solution must be sought through dialogue with the political parties. Some state-run organizations have also made demands and claims, indicating that internal contradictions may be brewing. Instead of allowing instability to grow from these contradictions, the government should quickly engage in discussions with political parties and take decisive action with consensus.

While members of the BCL who have engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly face justice, it is also essential to hold accountable those in the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the former regime lacks transparency. Cases are drawn up in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, which leads to the possibility that the actual criminals escape justice or that the seriousness of the charges is reduced.

Such a quick decision it was recent ban in the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League. This ban was a demand of the anti-discrimination student movement, which called for the dissolution of the BCL. Often perceived as a militant arm of the Awami League, the BCL has earned a reputation for engaging in criminal activities – extortion, tender manipulation, harassment of students and even operating torture cells in hostels. The organization’s presence in many communities became synonymous with oppression, serving the interests of the Awami League to maintain power, and this image was deliberately cultivated by the Awami League government.

While members of the BCL who have engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly face justice, it is also essential to hold accountable those in the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the former regime lacks transparency. Cases are drawn up in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, which leads to the possibility that the actual criminals escape justice or that the seriousness of the charges is reduced. This approach raises questions about the credibility of the judicial process.

The decision to ban a political entity could also prove self-defeating. Banning a political group does not eliminate its ideology. Although the organization may no longer be legally active, its ideas and activities may continue underground, with the potential for revival. For example, during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, Jamaat-e-Islami was not officially banned, but faced similar restrictions in practice. But its ideology persisted, and today it has re-emerged even stronger. Thus, simply banning an organization does not eradicate its influence; instead, it hides his true nature and may even create sympathy among the audience.

Politics in our public universities has also shown that whichever party comes to power, its student wing becomes dominant and oppressive, using the university administration to further its goals. The government uses these student groups to exert control over campuses, as seen with the Awami League’s BCL, BNP’s Chhatra Dal, Jamaat’s Islami Chhatra Shibir and the Ershad-era Chhatra Samaj.

To prevent a return to authoritarianism or fascism, strengthening democratic processes is crucial. This includes promoting democratic dialogue, ensuring transparency and accountability in governance and upholding the rule of law. When institutions become functional and accountable, and when criminals are meted with exemplary punishment, the foundation of authoritarianism weakens. In addition, increasing public participation in governance can create a resilient barrier against any possible return of undemocratic forces.

If the government ignores the demands of the majority working class population or demands for justice across the various social divisions and relies only on coercion, it risks opening the way to authoritarianism. Heavy tactics, threats and coercive laws only contribute to the re-emergence of undemocratic practices. The key aspiration of the uprising was to build a “new Bangladesh without discrimination”, and to achieve this, the focus must shift to necessary reforms.

Reducing the price of essential goods and ensuring that they remain within the reach of ordinary people is very important at this time. Removing anti-people deals in sectors such as energy is essential to laying the foundations for this new vision of Bangladesh. This shouldn’t just be about replacing one version of BCL with another. True transformation means breaking away from trends that have been synonymous with oppression.

As he told Monorom Polok.

Anu Muhammad is a former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.

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